How the Midterms Could Affect NOAA Seabed Mining Permits

The U.S. midterm elections on November 3, 2026 could become an important variable for deep seabed mining. Not because they would change the legal framework overnight, but because they could change the political environment in which the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, NOAA, is reviewing applications.

That backdrop has become less stable in recent weeks. Rising energy prices tied to the Iran conflict have created fresh political pressure on the White House and on Republicans heading into the midterms. Prediction markets reflect some of that uncertainty. As of March 16, 2026, Polymarket shows Democrats favored to win the House, while the Senate market is essentially even. This suggests a less secure political backdrop than the administration appeared to have earlier in the NOAA permitting cycle.

Will the Democratic Party control the Senate after the 2026 Midterm elections?
Yes 51% · No 50%
View full market & trade on Polymarket

That matters because NOAA is now central to the U.S. permitting path for seabed mining beyond national jurisdiction. Under the Deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act, or DSHMRA, NOAA is the federal agency responsible for issuing exploration licenses and commercial recovery permits for U.S. companies operating in those areas. The Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, or BOEM, has a different role. It governs mineral activity on the U.S. Outer Continental Shelf, which is the federally controlled seabed off the U.S. coast, under a separate legal regime.

NOAA’s public deep seabed mining page shows that The Metals Company, has two exploration license applications in the system. Both were formally noticed on December 23, 2025. The public comment period closed on February 23, 2026. Virtual public hearings were held on January 27 and 28, 2026. NOAA also finalized revised regulations on January 21, 2026 to streamline the exploration license and commercial recovery permit process. Taken together, that means NOAA has already moved from policy design to active file review.

On April 24, 2025, President Trump signed Executive Order 14285, which set a policy of accelerating offshore critical minerals development and directed the Secretary of Commerce to expedite seabed mineral license and permit reviews, consistent with applicable law. The order did not create NOAA’s authority. That authority already existed under DSHMRA. What it did was turn an existing legal pathway into an active executive priority.

That distinction matters for investors. Statute creates the permitting authority. Executive action influences how aggressively that authority is used. In this case, the White House has signaled that seabed mining is not simply permitted under existing law, but something the administration wants to advance. NOAA’s January 2026 regulatory changes fit that broader policy direction.

This is where the midterms become relevant. Permitting does not depend only on legal authority. It also depends on agency leadership, budget support, administrative momentum, and the level of political resistance surrounding an agency’s decisions.

The Senate may be the more important chamber for NOAA. NOAA sits within the Department of Commerce, and senior leadership is part of the executive branch. A supportive Senate makes it easier for an administration to install and protect officials aligned with a faster permitting posture. A hostile Senate does not remove NOAA’s statutory authority, but it can make it harder for the White House to sustain its preferred leadership and direction.

The House matters in a different way. It does not confirm nominees, but it has real influence through appropriations, oversight hearings, and committee pressure. A hostile House could increase scrutiny of NOAA’s process and make implementation more politically difficult.

For that reason, the midterms are more likely to affect the speed, tone, and durability of NOAA’s permit process than the existence of the process itself. A supportive Congress would likely make it easier for the administration to keep NOAA moving under the current policy direction. A divided Congress would introduce more friction. A hostile Congress, especially one paired with an unfriendly Senate, could make the process slower and more contested through oversight pressure, confirmation battles, and appropriations risk.

That matters because NOAA is already reviewing live files. The White House has already directed the agency to move more quickly. The key question now is not whether a U.S. seabed mining pathway exists. It does. The question is whether the political environment after the 2026 midterms will allow that pathway to continue advancing with momentum.

The cleanest way for Congress to slow or obstruct NOAA’s process would be through an appropriations rider in the Commerce, Justice, Science funding bill, or in a broader omnibus or continuing resolution that carries NOAA funding. That kind of language would not need to repeal the Deep Seabed Hard Mineral Resources Act. It could simply bar NOAA from using federal funds to review, advance, or issue deep seabed mining licenses or permits. Because NOAA’s funding runs through that appropriations lane, a rider would be one of the fastest and most practical ways for a hostile Congress to interfere with the process.

The timing matters. The earliest realistic opening for that kind of move would be the lame duck session after the November 3, 2026 midterms, if a government funding bill is still in play. Failing that, the next clear opportunity begins when the new Congress takes office on January 3, 2027 and starts work on the next funding cycle.

That matters because TMC is already working against its own operating timeline. In its November 2025 corporate update, the company said it expects to start commercial production in the fourth quarter of 2027 if it receives a commercial recovery permit. That puts added weight on the permitting clock. If NOAA acts before the start of 2027, TMC may be able to move ahead before Congress gets a cleaner chance to use the appropriations process against it. If not, the company could face a more difficult political landscape just as its development timeline becomes more important.

That leaves the central question hanging over the story: does TMC get its consolidated exploration and commercialization permit before the start of 2027?

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